Race
and Migration Papers
(Hw 8)
Note:
(1)
assignments appear in the syllabus on the day assigned, not the day
due
(2)
You
must submit your written work by blackboard
(3)
BE SURE TO FOLLOW THE FILE-NAMING CONVENTIONS FOR THIS COURSE (5%
penalty if you do not).
All files should be saved on your computer
as: your last name, followed by an underscore ("_"),
followed by the first two letters of your first name, followed
by an underscore ("_"), followed by the
assignment number. So if a student named Saddam Hussein were to submit
assignment number 8, the file name would be:
hussein_sa_8.doc
THIS
IS ASSIGNMENT 8
Chart
that will be VERY helpful in organizing your thoughts for the paper
"Wait,
this assignment makes it sound as if there aren't actually different
races?"
Doesn't the fact that no one has trouble distinguishing a Czech
from a Chinese mean that races are real? See
"Ten Things Everyone Should Know
about race" |
In
this essay of 380 – 575 words (roughly 1.5 -2.5 pages), describe
how differing patterns of migration helped create
the conditions that gave rise to dramatically differing visions
of race in North and Latin America.
Evidence for the differing patterns of migrations will
be found in the excerpt below from Traditions and Encounters
by J. Bentley and H. Ziggler; evidence for the differing
visions of race is provided by the Mexican scholar Geoffrey
Fox in an excerpt from his book Hispanic Nation (also below).
To be clear, your goal here is to explain how historical events
can help us understand why people in Latin America (and many other
parts of the world) view race differently than North Americans view
race. How can a knowledge of history explain why many people in
Latin America understand race as an individual marker
(like having a green eyes), whereas in the United States, many think
of race as a group marker (that is, one somehow
"belongs" to one of several large groupings of people
called "races," e.g. one is somhow a "member"
of a "Black race," "Asian race," "White
race" etc...).
Your
focus, accordingly, should be on the differing IDEAS
of race in the regions more so than on (perceived) particular racial
groupings. If the concept of race as an idea created
by society (in the same way society creates the ideas of "responsibility"
or "fashion") rather than a reality determined by biology
(such as blood cells) is new to you, see
"Ten Things Everyone Should Know about
race".
One
good form for your thesis for this paper might be, "Patterns
of migration that differed in way X produced visions of
"race" that differed in way Y for reason
Z."
Finally,
do not write a book report of either excerpt! If you find
yourself summarizing either excerpt, you are writing the wrong paper.
Connect the two readings analytically
rather than summarizing the two readings sequentially.
(se·quen·tial ly, adv, happening
in a particular order or forming a particular sequence)
Some Writing Hints:
1)
Remember to use and identify Cl/Ev/Wa structures
in those paragraphs that present evidence, but NOT in those paragraphs
that do not present evidence. If you are having trouble organizing
your ideas to write the paper, you might look at this very
helpful
chart.
2) Be very careful not to be ethnocentric in your discussion; that
is, don't assume that the way race is conceived of in North America
is the NATURAL and ONLY way of viewing the world. Do not project
your vision of race onto another culture when doing this assignment.
KEEP IN MIND THE THEMES OF THE NEW YORK
TIMES ARTICLE YOU READ.
3) Be sure to provide evidence in the form of direct quotations
from the excerpts below for each of your claims. Remember, however,
that your
quotations from the excerpts should be no more than 10 words and
preferably MUCH shorter -- if you are unsure how to omit unnecessary
information from a quotation, see here.
(very usefu)
4)
See a proposed outline here
(VERY USEFUL)
Edited excerpt from Hispanic Nation: Culture, Politics, and
the Construction of Identity by Geoffrey Fox (University of
Arizona Press, 1996), pp. 23 - 24
"We
are unique in this country in the way we describe and define race
and ascribe to it characteristics that other cultures view very
differently," says Congressperson Thomas C. Sawyer (Democrat-Ohio),
who chaired the House Subcommittee on Census, Statistics, and Postal
Personnel, which has to decide on which racial categories are used
in the census.
Here people are considered black if they have even the faintest
African traits --"one drop of blood" -- evident in skin
color or hair or facial structure, for example, or even if they
do not have such traits but claim to be, or are regarded by others
as, black.The
label white is reserved exclusively for supposedly pure Euro-Americans.
"I've
never heard of this, where can I read more?" |
see article from the New York Times recently reporting
on the same cultural difference (here)
VERY Useful if you are having trouble grasping the
differences in the ways race is understood in Latin and
North America |
In
contrast, in most of Latin America and most other parts of the
world, there are intermediate categories, and "skin color
is an individual variable -- not a group marker -- so
that within the same family one sibling might be considered
white and another black." More likely, each sibling
would be called by some more nuanced term. People in Puerto
Rico or South America or Mexico can be more or less white, black,
or Amerindian. For example, a trigueño, or "wheat-colored"
person, is generally lighter-skinned than a moreno
(from the word for Moor); a
zambo in several Latin American countries is a mix
of Amerindian and African and may be quite dark, with straight
hair; an aindiado, or "Indianized" person,
is perceived as mainly white but with some Indian features,
such as straight black hair or high cheekbones; an achinado,
or "Chinese-looking" person, has slanted eyes, regardless
of whether derived from African or Indian rather than Asian
ancestors. Each of these and dozens of other racial descriptions
(café con leche or "café au lait,"
for example) have status implications, the most African looking
generally (but not always) being the most stigmatized. But the
opposite is also true: Status differences have color implications,
or to be more precise, affect perceptions of color.
In
Anglo America, people sometimes speak of "soul," meaning
a special cultural authenticity or depth of feeling, as a black
trait, as though race determined culture. In most of Latin
America people speak as though culture determined race.
Thus, a person who is called negro or prieto
when he is poor and uneducated will almost always be described
by some more flattering term, such as trigueño,
if he rises in status. And all these classifications are subject
to interpretation and negotiation.
These same and other mixes of skin-color, hair-texture, and bone-structure
traits occur in the native population of the United States. Here,
however, those who possess them have all learned to think of themselves
as blacks. Frequently, they become annoyed with Latin Americans
for insisting on subtler distinctions, thinking they are denying
their African heritage. To the Latin American, it is the mixed-heritage
persons who insist on calling themselves black who are denying
the real complexity of their ancestries.
Edited
excerpt from Traditions and Encounters: A Global Perspective on
the Past by J. Bentley and H. Ziggler, pp. 679 - 680
Although their influence reached the American interior only gradually,
European migrants radically transformed the social order in the
regions where they established imperial states or settler colonies.
All European territories became multicultural societies where
peoples of varied ancestry lived together under European or EuroAmerican
dominance. Spanish and Portuguese territories soon became not
only multicultural but ethnically mixed as well, largely because
of migration patterns. Migrants to the Iberian
colonies were overwhelmingly men: about 85 percent of the Spanish
migrants were men, and the Portuguese migration was even more
male-dominated than the Spanish. Because of the small numbers
of European women, Spanish and Portuguese migrants entered into
relationships with native women, which soon gave rise to an increasingly
mestizo (or mixed) society.
Most Spanish migrants went to Mexico, where there was soon a growing
population of mestizos – individuals of Spanish and native
parentage… Women were more prominent among the migrants
to Peru than to Mexico, and Spanish colonists there lived mostly
in cities, where they maintained a more distinct community than
did their counterparts in Mexico. In the colonial cities Spanish
migrants married among themselves and re-created a European-style
society In less settled regions, however, Spanish men associated
with native women and gave rise to mestizo society.
With few European women available in Brazil, Portuguese men readily
entered into relations both with native women and with African
slave women. Brazil soon had large populations not only of mestizos,
but also of mulattoes born of Portuguese and African parents,
zambos born of indigenous and African parents, and other combinations
arising from these groups themselves. Indeed, marriages between
members of different ...communities became very, common in colonial
Brazil and generated a society even more thoroughly mixed than
that of mestizo Mexico.
In both the Spanish and the Portuguese colonies, migrants born
in Europe known as peninsulares (those who came from
the Iberian peninsula) stood
at the top of the social hierarchy, followed by, criollos
or creoles, individuals born in the Americas of Iberian
parents. In the early days of the colonies, mestizos lived on
the fringes of society. As time went on, however, the numbers
of mestizos grew, and then, became essential contributors to their
societies, especially in Mexico and Brazil...
The social structure of the French and English colonies in North
America differed markedly from that of the Iberian
colonies. Women were more numerous among the French and especially
the English migrants than in Spanish and Portuguese communities,
and settlers mostly married within their own groups. [In contrast,]
French fur traders often associated with native women and generated
metis (the French equivalent of mestizos) in regions around forts
and trading posts. In French colonial cities like Port Royal and
Quebec, however, liaisons between French and native peoples were
less common.
Mingling between peoples of different ancestry was least common
in the English colonies of North America.…English settlers
attempted to maintain sharp boundaries between themselves and
peoples of American and African ancestory.
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